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The State Ministry for Peace announces a three-stage guideline to reach peace

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The deputy of the ministry says the first stage is aligning the conventions and meetings, the second stage for both the government and Taliban, is recognizing their priorities, and the third stage is monitoring the implementation of the agreement terms. However, the head of the Afghan Civil Society says that the government should agree on a ceasefire first because reaching a conclusion without a ceasefire is very difficult.

In this consultation, the convention of the civil associations, the approaches on how they can enhance the peace process is being discussed. But more importantly, the State Ministry for Peace presents a three-stage guideline concerning pre, middle, and post peace negotiation affairs.

Prior to the agreement, the aim is to keep the negotiations continued. During the negotiations, the identification of the priorities is necessary for both parties; and after the agreement, monitoring its implementation is of great importance.

“Before the agreement is made, we try to effectively mobilize and align any party that could potentially influence the peace process, such as the civil society and the regional and international community. During the negotiations, we want to recognize discrepancies between the Taliban and the government and discuss them to establish mutually acceptable solutions. After the peace agreement has been endorsed, we want to closely regulate to supervise it and make sure the terms are legitimately adapted”, says Ghulam Yahya Abbasi, Deputy of the State Ministry for Peace.

In the Civil Society Association’s perspective, reaching to a ceasefire is vital, since it can tremendously ease the negotiation process.

Recently, there have been rumors about formation of a national assembly that would include all tribal groups of Afghanistan, university professors, political parties and civil society. The result of which could be the emersion of a strategic and long term agenda for peace.

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Five-day workshop launched in Kabul to standardize Pashto and Dari orthography

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The Ministry of Information and Culture has launched a five-day scientific and cultural workshop in Kabul aimed at reviewing and standardizing the writing systems of Afghanistan’s Pashto and Dari languages.

The workshop is being organized by the High Council of Languages Commission under the ministry’s Deputy Ministry of Culture and Arts at the National Museum of Afghanistan.

Officials say the initiative seeks to strengthen the academic foundations of the two languages, harmonize writing practices and improve literary and cultural standards.

Sheikh Abdul Rahman Tayebi, Deputy Minister of Culture and Arts, attended the opening ceremony alongside ministry officials, representatives of the ministries of Higher Education and Education, the Academy of Sciences, Kabul University and the University of Education, as well as linguists, researchers, writers, academics and media representatives.

Hafiz Saifur Rahman Mohammadi, head of Public Culture at the Ministry of Information and Culture, said the High Council of Languages Commission was established to support the country’s languages and develop standardized writing systems for national and other languages.

Tayebi said the Islamic Emirate is committed to strengthening and developing all languages in Afghanistan, adding that there should be no discrimination based on language, ethnicity, region or religion.

During the workshop, university professors, education officials and an Academy of Sciences representative discussed differences in the current writing systems of Pashto and Dari.

Participants said the workshop will examine these differences and work toward developing standardized and harmonized orthographic guidelines for the two languages, with the aim of promoting their consistent use in academic, educational, administrative and cultural settings.

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Four mediators struggle to secure lasting Pakistan-Afghanistan ceasefire

The involvement of four mediators has provided important diplomatic channels, but the article argues that their efforts have not always operated within a single framework.

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A ceasefire between Pakistan and Afghanistan remains fragile despite sustained diplomatic efforts by Qatar, Türkiye, Saudi Arabia and China, according to an analysis published by Modern Diplomacy.

The article by Sher Ali Ranjha, published on August 22, says the four countries have helped contain tensions at critical moments but have so far been unable to resolve the underlying security disagreements between Islamabad and Kabul.

The diplomatic process intensified after serious border clashes in October 2025, when Türkiye and Qatar helped facilitate a ceasefire in Doha. Subsequent talks in Istanbul explored ways to strengthen the agreement, including a possible monitoring and verification mechanism.

However, the two sides continue to differ over what constitutes a ceasefire violation. Pakistan has raised concerns about attacks by the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), which it says are carried out from Afghan territory. The Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan has rejected allegations that it provides a safe haven to the group and has maintained that Pakistan should address its own security challenges.

The article says this disagreement remains at the centre of the diplomatic impasse. Pakistan is seeking verifiable measures to prevent militant activity from Afghan territory, while Kabul has expressed concern over Pakistani military actions inside Afghanistan and the impact on its sovereignty.

The relationship between Afghanistan and India has added another dimension to the dispute. India has increased its engagement with Kabul, including through diplomatic and trade initiatives and cooperation involving Iran’s Chabahar Port.

The article notes that Pakistan views closer Afghan-Indian relations through the wider context of its rivalry with New Delhi. Pakistani allegations that India supports militant groups operating from Afghanistan remain disputed and have not been independently established, but they contribute to Islamabad’s security concerns.

The involvement of four mediators has provided important diplomatic channels, but the article argues that their efforts have not always operated within a single framework.

Qatar has strong access to Afghan officials and extensive experience in negotiations, Türkiye maintains relations with both sides, Saudi Arabia has financial and diplomatic influence, while China has significant economic and strategic interests in both countries.

China subsequently hosted Pakistani and Afghan representatives in Urumqi in 2026, helping bring the two sides back to negotiations.

The article argues that these efforts should not be considered complete failures. Rather, the mediators have been more successful in managing periods of tension than in addressing the deeper causes of the dispute.

For a more durable arrangement, the article proposes measurable security commitments, including restrictions on militant movement, disruption of financing, intelligence cooperation and measures to prevent cross-border attacks.

It also suggests that any Afghan commitments could be accompanied by greater restraint from Pakistan, including reducing reliance on unilateral military action.

The article says an independent verification mechanism could help both sides address their competing concerns. Such a mechanism could allow Kabul to demonstrate that Afghan territory is not being used for attacks against Pakistan while providing Islamabad with a process for raising specific security concerns.

Among the four mediators, the article identifies China as potentially best placed to coordinate such a framework because of its relationships with both Pakistan and Afghanistan and its interest in regional stability and economic connectivity.

It suggests that China could coordinate the overall process, with Qatar supporting diplomatic engagement, Türkiye assisting with technical negotiations and Saudi Arabia providing economic incentives.

The article concludes that another temporary ceasefire may not be enough to prevent renewed confrontation. A lasting arrangement would require clear definitions of violations, credible verification, measurable security commitments and corresponding restraint from both sides.

It argues that the four mediators have helped keep diplomacy alive, but a more coordinated framework may be needed to turn repeated crisis management into a longer-term peace process.

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UNAMA highlights need for alternative livelihoods during Badakhshan visit

Gagnon reaffirmed the United Nations’ support for communities across Afghanistan and stressed the importance of expanding sustainable economic opportunities, particularly for communities affected by the challenges of illicit narcotics.

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The UN Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA) has called for greater investment in alternative development opportunities and sustainable livelihoods during a visit by its Acting Head and Deputy Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Georgette Gagnon, to Badakhshan province.

According to UNAMA, Gagnon met with local authorities, community leaders and other stakeholders to discuss issues affecting residents of the province, particularly women and efforts to address the impact of narcotics.

In Faizabad, she met with women entrepreneurs and visited a UN-supported drug rehabilitation centre. She also travelled to Khash district, where she toured a women’s safe space and a women-led dairy processing enterprise providing an alternative source of income to poppy cultivation.

Gagnon reaffirmed the United Nations’ support for communities across Afghanistan and stressed the importance of expanding sustainable economic opportunities, particularly for communities affected by the challenges of illicit narcotics.

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